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It has been the deadly assault of the events of October 7th, an event that profoundly impacted global Jewish populations unlike anything else following the founding of the Jewish state.

Within Jewish communities it was deeply traumatic. For the Israeli government, the situation represented a significant embarrassment. The entire Zionist endeavor rested on the presumption that the nation could stop things like this occurring in the future.

Some form of retaliation was inevitable. Yet the chosen course undertaken by Israel – the widespread destruction of the Gaza Strip, the casualties of tens of thousands non-combatants – was a choice. This selected path complicated the way numerous American Jews processed the initial assault that set it in motion, and currently challenges the community's commemoration of the day. In what way can people honor and reflect on a horrific event targeting their community during a catastrophe being inflicted upon another people connected to their community?

The Complexity of Remembrance

The difficulty surrounding remembrance exists because of the fact that little unity prevails about the significance of these events. Indeed, for the American Jewish community, the recent twenty-four months have witnessed the disintegration of a half-century-old unity on Zionism itself.

The origins of pro-Israel unity within US Jewish communities can be traced to a 1915 essay by the lawyer and then future supreme court justice Justice Brandeis titled “The Jewish Question; Finding Solutions”. But the consensus truly solidified subsequent to the Six-Day War in 1967. Previously, US Jewish communities maintained a fragile but stable parallel existence among different factions which maintained a range of views about the requirement for a Jewish nation – pro-Israel advocates, neutral parties and anti-Zionists.

Previous Developments

That coexistence endured during the mid-twentieth century, within remaining elements of socialist Jewish movements, in the non-Zionist US Jewish group, in the anti-Zionist Jewish organization and similar institutions. In the view of Louis Finkelstein, the leader of the Jewish Theological Seminary, the Zionist movement was more spiritual instead of governmental, and he forbade performance of Hatikvah, the national song, during seminary ceremonies in those years. Nor were support for Israel the main element for contemporary Orthodox communities prior to that war. Different Jewish identity models existed alongside.

Yet after Israel defeated adjacent nations in that war in 1967, occupying territories comprising the West Bank, Gaza, the Golan and Jerusalem's eastern sector, US Jewish relationship to the nation changed dramatically. Israel’s victory, combined with longstanding fears about another genocide, produced an increasing conviction about the nation's vital role for Jewish communities, and a source of pride in its resilience. Rhetoric concerning the remarkable aspect of the success and the reclaiming of land provided Zionism a religious, even messianic, meaning. In those heady years, a significant portion of existing hesitation toward Israel vanished. During the seventies, Commentary magazine editor Podhoretz declared: “Zionism unites us all.”

The Unity and Restrictions

The pro-Israel agreement left out strictly Orthodox communities – who generally maintained a nation should only be established by a traditional rendering of the messiah – yet included Reform Judaism, Conservative, Modern Orthodox and the majority of unaffiliated individuals. The predominant version of the consensus, identified as left-leaning Zionism, was based on the conviction regarding Israel as a democratic and free – though Jewish-centered – state. Countless Jewish Americans considered the control of Arab, Syria's and Egyptian lands after 1967 as not permanent, thinking that a solution was forthcoming that would guarantee Jewish population majority in Israel proper and neighbor recognition of the nation.

Two generations of Jewish Americans grew up with Zionism an essential component of their Jewish identity. The nation became a central part in Jewish learning. Israel’s Independence Day turned into a celebration. National symbols were displayed in religious institutions. Youth programs were permeated with Israeli songs and the study of the language, with visitors from Israel educating US young people Israeli culture. Trips to the nation grew and peaked through Birthright programs in 1999, offering complimentary travel to Israel was provided to young American Jews. The state affected nearly every aspect of Jewish American identity.

Changing Dynamics

Paradoxically, during this period following the war, American Jewry developed expertise at religious pluralism. Acceptance and discussion across various Jewish groups expanded.

Except when it came to Zionism and Israel – that represented tolerance found its boundary. Individuals might align with a conservative supporter or a leftwing Zionist, yet backing Israel as a Jewish homeland was assumed, and criticizing that narrative placed you outside mainstream views – an “Un-Jew”, as one publication described it in writing in 2021.

However currently, under the weight of the ruin within Gaza, famine, dead and orphaned children and outrage about the rejection by numerous Jewish individuals who decline to acknowledge their involvement, that agreement has broken down. The liberal Zionist “center” {has lost|no longer