{From Camel Trader to Warlord: The Rise of a Man Who Now Commands a Major Portion of Sudan

Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, previously made his fortune dealing in livestock and precious metals. Now, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces control around 50% of the Sudanese territory.

Seizing Power in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a notable victory by overrunning the city of al-Fasher, which was the final army garrison in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his adversaries, Hemedti is admired by his followers for his determination and his vow to tear down the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

His background is humble. He comes from the Mahariya section of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that straddles the Chad-Sudan border region.

Born around 1974, as is common in remote regions, his date and place of birth were never recorded.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his family moved to Darfur in the late 20th century, escaping war and in search of greener pastures.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti started making money by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to Libya and Egypt.

During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—poor, neglected by the government of then-President Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjawid attacked villages of the native Fur communities, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to spearhead his anti-rebel campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's unit was among them, implicated in attacking the village of Adwa in November 2004, claiming the lives of 126 people, including 36 children.

A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were responsible for crimes against humanity.

Calculated Moves

After the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his rise to become head of a powerful paramilitary force, a business network, and a political organization.

At one point he rebelled, demanding unpaid salaries for his soldiers, advancements, and a government role for his brother. Bashir granted many of his requests.

Subsequently, when other Janjaweed units mutinied, Hemedti commanded loyalist troops that defeated them, gaining control Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jabel Amir.

Rapidly, his family company al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Formalizing Power

By 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as commander of the new paramilitary group, answering only to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, getting modern equipment and training.

International Connections

The RSF fought in the Darfur conflict, performed less successfully in the Nuba region, and took on a role to guard the border with Libya.

Supposedly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's commanders also excelled at extortion and people-trafficking.

By 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE asked Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved highly significant, beginning a close relationship with Emirati leadership.

Expanding Influence

Recruits flocked to RSF enlistment offices for signing bonuses of up to six thousand dollars.

Hemedti formed an alliance with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, including in the gold trade.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

With rising demonstrations, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, dubbing him himayti.

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when demonstrators demanded democracy, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the generals overthrew him.

Initially, Hemedti was celebrated as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Return to Violence

As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, assaulted females, and reportedly drowned men in the Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF committed atrocities.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians reached a deal, leading to an unstable coexistence for two years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation started looking into army businesses, the two generals ousted the government and took control.

However, they disagreed. Burhan insisted the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti refused.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize key bases in the capital. The takeover effort failed, and violence broke out across the city.

Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit community.

The UN estimates up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.

Current Status

Hemedti's forces obtained advanced arms, including military drones, deployed against Burhan's stronghold and crucial in the assault on al-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the national military.

Hemedti has created a parallel government, the "Government of Peace and Unity", appointing himself leader.

After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now controls the majority of inhabited territory in western Sudan.

Following reports of mass killings, Hemedti declared an investigation into abuses perpetrated by his fighters.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti envisions himself as president of a breakaway state or aspires to rule all of Sudan.

It's also possible, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, commanding a vast network of interests.

While Hemedti's forces continue atrocities in el-Fasher, he appears confident of impunity in a global community that overlooks.

Dr. John Singh
Dr. John Singh

Tech enthusiast and writer with a passion for AI and digital transformation, sharing expert insights and trends.

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